The fate of a document that is, like, totally over 100-years old and stuff. Robert Romano, NRD:
237 years ago, on July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the 13 colonies to affirm that governments are constituted to secure natural, individual rights and that they “deriv[e] their just powers from the consent of the governed.”
And, that “whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government.”
Looking back on these words, it is hard to defend the government in its present form as one that either secures individual rights or operates with the consent of the governed. Particularly, when one considers how meticulously those rights have been eroded over time and how feckless the three branches of government have become at reining in virtually limitless expansions of federal power.
Consider for example the existence of super agencies that possess the power of each of the three branches to make laws, enforce them, and apply them to individuals caught in the web of the administrative state — a topic of much interest to authors such as talk show host Mark Levin (Liberty and Tyranny, Ameritopia) to George Washington University professor Jonathan Turley writing recently in the Washington Post “The rise of the fourth branch of government.”
Levin in Ameritopia argues that the U.S. has become what he calls a “post-constitutional, democratic utopia.” He explains, “The federal government has become unmoored from its origins… It is not strictly a representative republic, because so many edicts are produced by a maze of administrative departments that are unknown to the public and detached from its sentiment.”
Turley agrees, noting “Our carefully constructed system of checks and balances is being negated by the rise of a fourth branch, an administrative state of sprawling departments and agencies that govern with increasing autonomy and decreasing transparency.”
Turley notes that federal agencies issue about 3,000 regulations a year, compared to Congress only enacting about 140 laws. On top of that, the agencies have their own courts — quasi-judicial bodies — that additionally issue almost 1 million adjudicatory rulings a year on those regulations. That compares with federal courts only issuing about 95,000 rulings a year.
Turley writes that, as a result, “a citizen is 10 times more likely to be tried by an agency than by an actual court,” lacking due process and “with one-sided presumptions and procedural rules favoring the agency.”
In Ameritopia, author Levin extensively quotes philosopher John Locke, who in 1689 warned precisely against such a concentration of powers into single entities: “it may be too great temptation to human frailty, apt to grasp at power, for the same persons who have the power of making laws to have also in their hands the power to execute them.” Here, Locke famously argued — later refined by Charles de Montesquieu — that governmental powers should be separated.
For the uninitiated, as Levin’s book and daily broadcast make abundantly clear, Locke and Montesquieu together make two of the most influential philosophers whose works later advised the American Revolution, and then the form the federal government would take in the adoption of the Constitution, which made the separation of powers its cornerstone.
Locke called the concentration of power no less than tyrannical: “As usurpation is the exercise of power which another hath a right to, so tyranny is the exercise of power beyond right, which nobody can have a right to.”
Is today’s administrative state tyrannical?
It is hard to argue that it is anything but arbitrary and capricious in its rulemakings. Also, the sheer number of agencies and their many subdivisions that issue such quasi-judicial rulings on individuals and businesses is simply overwhelming. The University of Virginia has published a comprehensive listing of these linking to the many federal databases containing the hundreds of thousands of rulings made each year.
The university is careful to note that this is not a listing of regulations per se, but of adjudicatory rulings: “This page is not an attempt to link to Federal Register or the Code of Federal Regulations information for each federal agency. It links to other administrative actions which are outside the scope of the CFR or the FR.”
This is a concentration of powers without question, giving agencies — in addition to the ability to issue and enforce regulations — the power to legitimize their actions through official tribunal proceedings. Only a small percentage of these will ever be appealed to federal court — or even brought to Congress or the President’s attention — leaving the agencies with vast discretion.
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The obstacles to reining in this vast overreach of powers are daunting to say the least. Supporters will argue that Congress is unqualified to regulate in these areas, so therefore unelected boards of self-proclaimed experts are necessary. Courts have been similarly abrogated.
Almost a century into the administrative state, these agencies have proven to exceedingly efficient at issuing regulations and then levying fines and directives for failure to comply.
This might advise a catch-all bill against quasi-judicial bodies and the agencies more broadly, capturing most of the administrative, regulatory state that lords over the populace like the unelected kings of old, and restoring to Congress powers to make laws, and courts to adjudicate them. That is, if there were any political will in Congress to do so.
The primary challenge, therefore, is political. Does either party take a strong stand against this concentration of powers in executive agencies? Can one even find legislative majorities in both houses of Congress to do anything but perpetuate this pervasive administrative state?
No more so than one can find the votes to rein in the budget’s $2.2 trillion so-called “mandatory” spending programs that operate on autopilot without any annual appropriations votes in Congress.
Or to bring the Environmental Protection Agency to heel, which in its 2009 “carbon endangerment” finding essentially rewrote the Clean Air Act without a congressional vote to define carbon dioxide — a biological gas necessary for the very existence of life — to be a harmful pollutant regulable under the law.
Or to unwind Government Sponsored Enterprises Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac plus the Federal Reserve — whose administrative control of housing finance and low interest rates policies helped cultivate the housing bubble that almost wrecked the global economy. Or to curtail the Fed’s quantitative easing programs, which because such policies are not subject to congressional authorization, clearly abrogate Congress’ constitutional power to coin money.
One could go on, but suffice to say, the Framers never intended the vast bureaucracy with such wide powers seen today to be created when the Constitution was proposed in 1787.
Leaving the American people to wonder what can even be done about it. If the government is not following the Constitution, and elections alone will not rein in these dubious, extraconstitutional functions of government, what can be done?
A potential recourse for the American people would be the amendments process outlined in Article V of the Constitution. But, that requires two-thirds majorities in both houses of Congress to be invoked. Does anyone envision Congress voting for amendments to the Constitution to, for example, achieve a balanced budget or establish term limits for themselves?
If not — and if other reforms cannot and will not be achieved in the normal course of Congress’ business — it would appear that supporters of a constitutional, limited government lack any conventional recourse. […]
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On the 237th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence of our nation’s founding, it is reasonable to question whether our current government reflects the principles in that document of freedom and the Constitution that followed 11 years later.
If not, the Founders anticipated that there may be a time when government “becomes destructive of these ends” and needs reformulation.
Ultimately, it will be up to the people if they want to tell their state legislators to invoke their constitutional prerogative to limit government via an Article V convention. With Congress seemingly powerless in the face of this federal Leviathan, the amendment process may be the only way left to “alter or abolish it.”
Romano’s discussion focuses largely on amendments and a constitutional convention, the latter of which I believe to be a dangerous course given the century-long indoctrination of the American people over the idea of positive rights. In fact, I suspect a convention in the current political and informational climate would produce something closer to the Soviet constitution than to our own.
And of course, the political will of the ruling class to rein in its own power is simply non-existent: at a time when the GOP is actually supporting an immigration bill that would give the power of stewardship over newly-legal citizens to leftwing activist groups — the same arrangement as under ObamaCare — it seems a safe bet that the rise of an administrative state against which they can campaign and rail, but which nonetheless does the dirty work of raising the revenues the Congress then gets to dole out, is to the ruling elite a wonderful thing, at once distancing them from many unpopular “laws” while at the same time effectively shrinking the circle of liberty around the individual, creating a reliance on government that allows it to grow in scope and power.
Which is why many of us here — and I believe Levin will likewise take this route — are promoting a resurgent promotion of federalism, a stand-off between state Governors and both the federal government, up to and including rulings by federal courts that seek to take away powers from the voters of a given state that are allotted to them under the Constitution.
Nullifcation; a rejection of federal funds; a refusal to honor the rulings of an administrative state that, rather than serving as the intended check on jealously guarded power, works increasingly with the 3 major branches of the federal government to seize jurisdiction, having already grown so beyond its enumerated powers as to be unrecognizable.
From a rhetorical and marketing standpoint, Sarah Palin and Ted Cruz (among others) have had it right: we need to relentlessly highlight the shadow theater of a two party system that hides what is at its heart nothing more than a cabal of the ruling class.
And this could require something as radical as a third party, which can be sold as a second party — an alternative party — to what has become a one party system disguising itself as an adversarial two party system. The proof of this collusion is everywhere, theatrics aside, so the time may be ripe for an uprising that pulls in rote-voting Democrats who aren’t leftists and who are being harmed by the industrial policies that both parties farm out to unelected bureaucrats in agencies beyond the reach of voters. It could pull in libertarians, classical liberals, constitutionalists, conservatives (including social conservatives, who are consistently molested in their beliefs by the left’s litigious agenda, even as it is the socon right who is painted routinely as the bad actor in the culture wars; this is a lie, as mostly what socons want is the right to live their conscience and a protection of their religious liberties).
I’m not sure where Levin or others will go with this — I suspect a term-limit on justices, along with efforts to repeal the 17th amendment and promote defenses of the 9th and 10th amendments in state Supreme Courts using state constitutions — all of which will be taking steps in the right direction.
Here in Colorado, Weld County and a lot of the rural neighboring and contiguous counties have begun rumblings about secession and new statehood, knowing that Congress would most likely never approve such a thing, but making it clear that, in that event, it will be up to the power corridor of Denver / Boulder to try to move in — perhaps with federal help — to impose many of its laws on a citizenry that feels unrepresented and refuses to abide with the kinds of unconstitutional laws coming out of the Democrat legislature (highlighted recently in the ridiculous gun control measures passed largely as a result of lobbying from Michael Bloomberg, Joe Biden, and east coast interests).
When I started blogging, no one would have said I was some fringe kook. But the fact is, I haven’t left my country; my country has left me. Or rather, it’s been taken. And I, like a host of others, believe it’s time to take it back, and we will continue to work to find ways to do so peacefully and within our constitutional rights.
Which is an animal that is increasingly endangered, its habitat paved over and its numbers culled in the rush to build a progressive Utopia.
i heart his cheese !
15 minutes of fame is slowly being replaced by 15 minutes of freedom.
Yerf.
In that masterpiece of dystopian fiction that I keep meaning to right. The demogogic President calls for a Constitutional convention which gets as far as scrapping the existing Constitution before the demogogue dissolves the Congress, the Supreme Court and the Convention itself.
I still haven’t figured out if the demgogue is more Sulla or Caesar.
Given that our children are no longer taught that our rights were “endowed by our Creator” and “unalienable,” a Constitutional Convention would be a bad, bad idea. Further, there’s nothing wrong with our Constitution. The problem is politicians more enamoured with the trappings of power, who have less self restraint than a toddler who’s discovered the stash of Halloween Candy.
It would help if we could end the big dance where we send our cash to DC and then having to beg DC to get it back. The final insult being that you are accused of benefiting from “big government” when you do manage to get some of your funds back.
I don’t know the numbers but, I would guess that if all the federal income tax that was not needed for national defense stayed in California for one year instead of going to DC, I bet Jerry could easily balance the budget.
If 3/4 of the states haven’t ratified the in-progress document, I wish him good luck with that.
Too many people overlook that a convention only proposes, in lieu of Congress. Ratification still works the way it would for a congressionally proposed amendment.
Of course, these days why bother altering the Constitution at all? Nobody inside the Beltway is losing a minute of sleep over the fact that it lies sodden and stinking in the White House septic tank even now.
Don’t forget all the endless letters from Washington expecting us to join the cults of personality, Bear.
Which wouldn’t be so bad if the price of admission wasn’t self-loathing.
It’s time to call this pig what it is: It is a dystopia.
The beauty of our founding system was that it recognized the allure and the danger of unchecked power, and so it established a system of checks to limit that power, by setting competing interests to guard and keep smaller pools of power for themselves. Our Washington overlords have largely subverted and ignored those checks, as the three branches and the bureaucracy collude to steal ever more power for themselves.
I maintain that re-establishing a means of checking Washington’s power is the only realistic way out of this. Best case scenario, to me, is for a group of governors to stand up and assert their rights under the Ninth and Tenth. Worst case scenario is for scattered groups to be forced to assert their rights under the Second.
I think Congress and SCOTUS just don’t want the responsibility that comes with protecting their respective constitutionally prescribed powers. They figure that since Obama wants them so badly, he can have them — and so they keep their heads down and hope when it all blows up in his face it doesn’t take them with it.
Bad news, fellas: when it happens, BOKYAG.
I wonder what the title of Mark Levin’s upcoming book will be?
find out july 10 @600 pm edt
Maybe “BOKYAG” would be a good title?
Going to law school actually helped with my transition to conservatism.
On changing moment was when we were starting our moot court assignment in our constitutional law class. The lecturer told us not to go with 9th or 10th amendment arguments, they were a no starter. I think it was more shock than an epiphany.
I gained more respect for the 2nd amendment as well.
People threw their liberty away with both hands. I blame them for not noticing.
If 3/4 of the states haven’t ratified the in-progress document, I wish him good luck with that.
Because O is nothing if not bound by law.
a civil rights movement starts
Video: Gun-rights supporters sell high-capacity magazines in full view of Colorado police at Capitol
I know you you saw what I wrote AFTER that, di. ;-p
the counter revolution will be televised
MOST AWESOME SECOND AMENDMENT SPEECH EVER – Iraq Veteran Aaron Weiss Tells It Straight (Video)
newrouter says July 2, 2013 at 6:31 pm
Good one, nr.
For the same reason Hitler bothered to pass the enabling act, and dictators everywhere insist upon the form (while suborning the substance) of democracy. The law makes it legal.
In the Unicorn Age, Obama’s blessing is what makes it legal.
My undergrad courses in Economics and Business Law (in 1993) was probably the beginning of mine. Took about 7-8 years to come to full fruition, but it did…shortly before 9/11.
-No Regulation Without Representation!
-Shermlaw is quite correct in that The Constitution itself really needs no reworking – perhaps a few tweaks in light of our experience with Leftism.
-Jeff wrote:
Sadly, methinks the time for a peaceful resolution may have just passed.
OUTLAWS!
[…] OLD DUSTY PAPER– “‘Alter or abolish it’”: the fate of a Constitution in a post-constitutional state. […]