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“MSNBC host: I hope Trayvon Martin ‘whooped the s**t’ out of Zimmerman” [Darleen Click]

Yes, Martin brought his fists to a gunfight … didn’t anyone tell Melissa how that turned out?

MSNBC host Melissa Harris-Perry said Monday that she hoped that Trayvon Martin “whooped the shit out of George Zimmerman.”

Harris-Perry’s remarks came Monday while speaking during Cornell University’s annual Martin Luther King, Jr. Commemorative Lecture.

… even Holder’s racialist DOJ couldn’t find any evidence with which to railroad charge Zimmerman.

Melissa is such an intellectual force to be reckoned with —

The talk took place in the university’s Sage Chapel and had an audience of roughly 250 people. Harris-Perry reportedly used a fair amount of vulgarity in her speech, which Review Editor-in-Chief Casey Breznik said better resembled “an hour-long comedy routine.”

During her talk, which she began by taking a selfie, Harris-Perry declared her view of democracy—namely that it “is for losers”—to be “hot shit,” said Dr. King was “the one great voice, like Beyoncé”, and cracked jokes about the Tea Party, George W. Bush, Southern black culture, and the weather.

Rock on, dear.

19 Replies to ““MSNBC host: I hope Trayvon Martin ‘whooped the s**t’ out of Zimmerman” [Darleen Click]”

  1. bgbear says:

    At first I assumed MHP was a typical liberal talking point reader but, the woman does seem to be psychopathic. She parrots points like the others but, shows no understanding or cohesiveness in her rants.

  2. McGehee says:

    Melissa, dear, Trayvon Martin did whoop the shit out of George Zimmerman. That’s why George Zimmerman shot the shit of Trayvon Martin. The one led inevitably to the other.

    What I’m saying, Melissa, dear, is that you’ve admitted you’re happy Trayvon is dead.

    And that’s sick.

  3. 11B40 says:

    Greetings:

    Any word on what colored tampon ear-rings she wore ???

  4. Ernst Schreiber says:

    Feminists these days. It’s as if the Bene Gesserit Sisterhood had aimed for the Kwisatch Haderach only to wind up with Andrew Dice Clay

    with tits.

  5. palaeomerus says:

    Dear Melissa,

    Tell George to his face how white he is, you dim witted, drooling, fucking hypoxic, spaz clown.

    Please follow Ronan (Farrow, not : The Accuser) down the go-away chute, take your with your bizarre Ph.D “nerds call you the duck ” pick up lines, and don’t let the trah-flap hit you in your bony no-ass.

  6. palaeomerus says:

    Dear Melissa,

    Tell George to his face how white he is, you dim witted, drooling, fucking hypoxic, spaz clown.

    Please follow Ronan (Farrow, not : The Accuser) down the go-away chute, take your bizarre Ph.D “nerds call you the duck ” pick up lines with you, and don’t let the trash-flap hit you in your bony no-ass.

    (corrected for half credit)

  7. palaeomerus says:

    To be fair Ernst, the Kwizatz Haderach launched a pointless genocidal war to mix human genes up, strangled spice production to weaken the spacing guild, shat out a worm-compatible spice child who became a long lived mutated symbiotic grandiose delusional despot with lesbian body guards, let himself be blinded by a plot he saw coming, let his spice damaged sister go apeshit crazy, and then wandered around in the desert until a worm ate him.

    The cost benefit on that breeding program really has to sting.

  8. palaeomerus says:

    And that’s before Kevin J. Anderson got involved.

  9. EBL says:

    She is an idiot and a fool, but a beat down definitely justifies the shooting of Martin by Zimmerman.

  10. gahrie says:

    Bless her heart

  11. newrouter says:

    >Above all, any existential revolution should provide hope of a moral reconstitution of society, which means a radical renewal of the relationship of human beings to what I have called the “human order,” which no political order can replace. A new experience of being, a renewed rootedness in the universe, a newly grasped sense of higher responsibility, a newfound inner relationship to other people and to the human community—these factors clearly indicate the direction in which we must go.

    And the political consequences? Most probably they could be reflected in the constitution of structures that will derive from this new spirit, from human factors rather than from a particular formalization of political relationships and guarantees. In other words, the issue is the rehabilitation of values like trust, openness, responsibility, solidarity, love. I believe in structures that are not aimed at the technical aspect of the execution of power, but at the significance of that execution in structures held together more by a commonly shared feeling of the importance of certain communities than by commonly shared expansionist ambitions directed outward. There can and must be structures that are open, dynamic, and small; beyond a certain point, human ties like personal trust and personal responsibility cannot work. There must be structures that in principle place no limits on the genesis of different structures. Any accumulation of power whatsoever (one of the characteristics of automatism) should be profoundly alien to it. They would be structures not in the sense of organizations or institutions, but like a community. Their authority certainly cannot be based on long-empty traditions, like the tradition of mass political parties, but rather on how, in concrete terms, they enter into a given situation. Rather than a strategic agglomeration of formalized organizations, it is better to have organizations springing up ad hoc, infused with enthusiasm for a particular purpose and disappearing when that purpose has been achieved. The leaders’ authority ought to derive from their personalities and be personally tested in their particular surroundings, and not from their position in any nomenklatura. They should enjoy great personal confidence and even great lawmaking powers based on that confidence. This would appear to be the only way out of the classic impotence of traditional democratic organizations, which frequently seem founded more on mistrust than mutual confidence, and more on collective irresponsibility than on responsibility. It is only with the full existential backing of every member of the community that a permanent bulwark against creeping totalitarianism can be established. These structures should naturally arise from below as a consequence of authentic social self-organization; they should derive vital energy from a living dialogue with the genuine needs from which they arise, and when these needs are gone, the structures should also disappear. The principles of their internal organization should be very diverse, with a minimum of external regulation. The decisive criterion of this self-constitution should be the structure’s actual significance, and not just a mere abstract norm.

    Both political and economic life ought to be founded on the varied and versatile cooperation of such dynamically appearing and disappearing organizations. As far as the economic life of society goes, I believe in the principle of self-management, which is probably the only way of achieving what all the theorists of socialism have dreamed about, that is, the genuine (i.e., informal) participation of workers in economic decision making, leading to a feeling of genuine responsibility for their collective work. The principles of control and discipline ought to be abandoned in favor of self-control and self-discipline.

    As is perhaps clear from even so general an outline, the systemic consequences of an existential revolution of this type go significantly beyond the framework of classical parliamentary democracy. Having introduced the term “post-totalitarian” for the purposes of this discussion, perhaps I should refer to the notion I have just outlined—purely for the moment—as the prospects for a “post-democratic” system.

    Undoubtedly this notion could be developed further, but I think it would be a foolish undertaking, to say the least, because slowly but surely the whole idea would become alienated, separated from itself. After all, the essence of such a “post-democracy” is also that it can only develop via facti, as a process deriving directly from life, from a new atmosphere and a new spirit (political thought, of course, would play a role here, though not as a director, merely as a guide). It would be presumptuous, however, to try to foresee the structural expressions of this new spirit without that spirit actually being present and without knowing its concrete physiognomy.

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