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“Is Santorum right? Did high gas prices trigger the Great Recession?”

He’s getting much grief over saying so. But then, the truth is never very popular with those who ostensibly provide us with the “objective” information we need to make informed decisions — mostly because it tends to defang progressive propaganda attempts and, nowadays, disrupt a status quo that is built almost entirely on perception rather than reality.

And no, I don’t think I’m overstating the extent of our epistemic problems in the current mainstream media and political cultures.

Jim Pethokoukis:

here is some evidence that Santorum has a point. In a 2009 paper, economist James Hamilton found that big oil price shocks—such as the ones associated with events such as the 1973-74 embargo by OPEC, the Iranian Revolution in 1978, the Iran-Iraq War in 1980, and the First Persian Gulf War in 1990—were each followed by a global economic recession. You can see that phenomenon on the above chart.

Now, oil prices doubled between June 2007 and June 2008, the economist notes, a bigger price increase than in any of those four earlier episodes. Hamilton’s conclusion: “Had there been no increase in oil prices between 2007:Q3 and 2008:Q2, the U.S. economy would not have been in a recession over the period 2007:Q4 through 2008:Q3.”

But what about the role of housing? Hamilton points out that housing had been an economic drag before oil and gasoline prices surged. Yet the economy continued to grow. Here’s where oil enters the scene (bold for emphasis):

At a minimum it is clear that something other than housing deteriorated to turn slow growth into a recession. That something, in my mind, includes the collapse in automobile purchases, slowdown in overall consumption spending, and deteriorating consumer sentiment, in which the oil shock was indisputably a contributing factor.

Second, there is an interaction effect between the oil shock and the problems in housing. Cortright (2008) noted that in the Los Angeles, Tampa, Pittsburgh, Chicago, and Portland Vancouver Metropolitan Statistical Areas, house prices in 2007 were likely to rise slightly in the zip codes closest to the central urban areas but fall signi?cantly in zip codes with longer average commuting distances. Foreclosure rates also rose with distance from the center. And certainly to the extent that the oil shock made a direct contribution to lower income and higher unemployment, that would also depress housing demand. For example, the estimates in Hamilton (2008) imply that a 1% reduction in real GDP growth translates into a 2.6% reduction in the demand for new houses.

Eventually, the declines in income and house prices set mortgage delinquency rates beyond a threshold at which the overall solvency of the ?nancial system itself came to be questioned, and the modest recession of 2007:Q4-2008:Q3 turned into a ferocious downturn in 2008:Q4.

Whether we would have avoided those events if the economy had not gone into recession, or instead would have merely postponed them, is a matter of conjecture. Regardless of how we answer that question, the evidence to me is persuasive that, if there had there been no oil shock, we would have described the U.S. economy in 2007:Q4-2008:Q3 as growing slowly, but not in a recession.

As Pethokoukis goes on to illustrate, oil shock does much to kill consumer sentiment, which in turn does much to slow an economy.

So while conventional wisdom, being what it is, has all those who’ve been serially misinformed by a repetition of rote factoids smirking at Santorum’s supposed economic retardation, it is clear that rising energy costs — particularly insofar as they harm consumer sentiment and ripple out into every area of the consumer economy, driving up prices on home heating, food, clothing, etc. — were a key factor, if not the key factor, in the Great recession that Obama continues to nurture.

That this President and his advisors have made on-the-record musings about the necessity for higher energy costs (and in some cases, a desire for European-level gas prices), Santorum’s case here, should he continue to make it and not back down in the face of media and establishment tut-tutting, could provide another key wedge between he and Obama in a general election — and play especially well in the rust belt, where higher energy costs are seen as industry killers in the manufacturing sector.

15 Replies to ““Is Santorum right? Did high gas prices trigger the Great Recession?””

  1. geoffb says:

    There is a paper (pdf)(short version) from the Brookings Institute from 2009 which supports both Santorum and Pethokoukis. There is also this article which was run out today which seems to make the opposite case. I’m not convinced by it as it seems contrived but need more coffee and time to read and think about both.

    One thing “Whereas historical oil price shocks were primarily caused by physical disruptions of supply, the price run-up of 2007-08 was caused by strong demand confronting stagnating world production.“. Why was supply stagnant is to me the question to ask.

  2. motionview says:

    A graphic that makes Sanrorum’s case, using oil prices rather than gasoline. Notice the oil price spikes or run-ups always precede the increases in unemployment. There is a lag, and one huge confounding factor is not shown: the Fed running the number generators in the oughts. That does delay the unemployment spike (and inflate the real estate bubble), but eventually the Fed gets interest rates to zero and they have nowhere to go; while there is no limit upward on the oil price. Crash.

  3. motionview says:

    Here’s the description to go with that graphic, oil price in yellow, unemployment in black.

    1974: OPEC Embargo, oil price spike, unemployment spikes to 9%
    to 1979: stable prices, declining unemployment to 6%
    1979: Iranian revolution, oil price spike, increase to 10.5% unemployment
    to 1986: stable prices, slightly decreasing oil prices; declining unemployment to 7%
    1986: Us-Saudi death to the godless commies deal (real thing)
    through 1999: for fifteen years oil trades in a very narrow band price band (with one exception); declining unemployment to 4%
    The one exception: 1991: Spike due to GW 1, spikes unemployment to 7.5%
    1999: Fahd’s heir dies while visiting Saudi National Hospital. Fahd’s brother, the Regent Abdullah, now has all reins.
    through 2001: increase oil prices from bottom of deal range to top, unemployment spikes up to 6.5%
    9/11/2001. The deal is over, oil prices are driven from $20 to a $125; a huge spike in unemployment follows despite massive efforts by the Fed, with the headline jobless rate rising from 4.5% to 10.5%

  4. sdferr says:

    Michael Greve, Climate Change, Part I: Catastrophe

    Tomorrow and the day after, a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit (Judges Rogers, Sentelle, and Tatel) will hear oral arguments in a raft of cases challenging the Environmental Protection Agency’s rules on the regulation of carbon dioxide (CO2) and other greenhouse gases (GHG). In its scope and consequences, the EPA’s climate change program exceeds even ObamaCare and Dodd-Frank: it threatens to engulf any firm, facility, and product that emits CO2 above minimal threshold amounts. However, the EPA’s program in this case does not rest on a 2,000-page enactment by a temporarily deranged Congress, nor even on a unilateral bureaucratic power grab. Rather, it proceeds, with seeming and depressing inexorability, from a series of crabbed and tendentious judicial and administrative interpretations of a few stray provisions in the Clean Air Act (CAA)—a statute that long pre-dates the climate change crisis or obsession (take your pick) and, by uniform consensus, is designed to tackle local air pollution, not a global calamity.

    .

    What the D.C. Circuit is looking at is a fantastically expensive and convoluted regulatory program that is uniformly acknowledged to produce no discernible climate change benefit whatsoever. Yet that exercise in pointless social mortification—a kind of permanent socio-economic Lent without Easter—threatens to elude any of the ordinary checks and controls: cost-benefit comparisons; judicial arbitrary and capricious review and statutory limitations; congressional or presidential intervention.

  5. sdferr says:

    Micheal Greve, Climate Change, Part II: All Crap and No Trade

    By any measure, the EPA’s GHG regime constitutes the most ambitious, expensive, and expansive regulatory regime in the agency’s history. No consumer, no industry, no state will remain unaffected. As the EPA and the climate change “community” have emphasized, the problem is global and long-term. We’re not talking about removing a discrete pollutant (lead) from a few products (gasoline, paint). We are talking about a program that must be all-encompassing and run, with increased stringency, from here to eternity.

    No one decided that we should do this. Certainly, the Congress didn’t decide it. The Supreme Court didn’t, or says it didn’t (it just told the EPA to follow the law). The EPA didn’t, or at least can plausibly claim that it didn’t and doesn’t (it’s just following the law and the Supreme Court). We are simply sliding into a bureaucratic nightmare.

  6. Ernst Schreiber says:

    [T]he EPA’s program in this case does not rest on a 2,000-page enactment by a temporarily deranged Congress, nor even on a unilateral bureaucratic power grab. Rather, it proceeds, with seeming and depressing inexorability, from a series of crabbed and tendentious judicial and administrative interpretations of a few stray provisions in the Clean Air Act (CAA)—a statute that long pre-dates the climate change crisis or obsession (take your pick) and, by uniform consensus, is designed to tackle local air pollution, not a global calamity.

    A Living Zombie Constitution will create Zombie Laws.

  7. sdferr says:

    Zombie style-formation Pan-Italics in blockquotes is oppressive zombielawmaking.

  8. LBascom says:

    Zombie Constitution…that’s an awesome description for our post constitutional state. It even fits with the brain eating aspect!

  9. Contribute? Sure. Trigger? I don’t know.

  10. Roy Rogers says:

    Dang whippersnappers.

  11. Caecus Caesar says:

    High-ho…

  12. the galloping gourmet says:

    Escargot !

  13. […] Our oil based economy. […]

  14. Ernst Schreiber says:

    Contribute? Sure. Trigger? I don’t know.

    We’re about to find out. Empirically even!

Comments are closed.